Entries on Politics
This article explored how the dynamics of the global political economy influences international games, such as, the FIFA World Cup. It further examined the extent of exaggeration of myths and benefits of the 2010 FIFA World Cup to South Africans, neighboring states, FIFA officials and the global community in the post game period. To effectively explain and understand the article, we adopted the Theory of Commercial Liberalism and argued that whenever nations compete for the hosting right for such tournament, they are mainly but not exclusively driven by the benefits that accrue. The relevance of this theory as forming the theoretical framework is based on the simple understanding that man´s fundamental reasoning is cooperation in order to prosper.
The nature of production and distribution in post- colonial Nigeria have given rise to severe inter and intra eth no-regional conflicts in Nigeria.Since the end of cold war, conflict between the oil producing communities and petro-dollar businesses became intensive such that Nigerian state is listed among the most unsafe environment for business in Africa as the Niger Delta region metamorphosized into a deadly war zone.
PREFACE The book “Public Enterprises Management in Nigerian” has three parts with twenty-two chapters. In part, one we have defined the concept public enterprises, the origin of Public Enterprises, the justifications, objectives and reasons for the creation of public enterprises are enumerated and the criteria for identifying public enterprises were equally addressed. This part also discussed the classification of Public Enterprises based on Functions and Objectives. The Second part presents a brief history of public enterprises in Nigeria. We also discussed and drew the organisation structure of public enterprises; listed the sources of finance, staffing, control and accountability of public enterprises. Also we contend that the control functions of the key actors in the evaluation of public enterprises performance; enumerated performance measures of public enterprises and the problems of public enterprises in Sub Saharan Africa. This part concludes by positing that the success of public enterprises depends on the strict application of management principles and practices. There is no short cut to efficiency and effectiveness. The resort to sale of public enterprises confirms the fact that inefficient management cannot produce the desired results. The problems of public enterprises in Sub Saharan Africa should be addressed as a means of improving their performance. The concept of public enterprises as a developmental strategy cannot be overruled. However, the management of these enterprises in Sub Saharan Africa and in Nigeria in particular leaves much to be desired. The success of public enterprises in Nigeria is a function of the will of government. Part 3 exposes the student to the concept of privatization and commercialization of public enterprises. The forms, strategies, objectives, legal and institutional framework of privatization and commercialization are discussed. The reasons for the privatization and commercialization of public enterprises among which are poor performance of these enterprises are highlighted. This part also discusses privatization of public enterprises in the Sub Saharan Africa in general and Nigeria in particular. It listed the factors that led to the emergence of privatization; enumerated the modalities for privatization; listed and discussed the different types of privatization as well as explained the problems of privatization in Nigeria.
This book, intended to serve the needs of young Nigerians preparing to the course on Ordinary and National Diplomas, Master and Bachelor of Science Degrees in Nigeria Universities and other Higher Institutions of learning, provides an informed introduction to Comparative Local Government. It suggests a new approach to the study of this subject matter. Instead of recounting the definition, justifications and classification of Comparative Local Government in Nigeria, it sets out to describe and analyse what is happening within Local government system and the issues of principles involved in these happenings within a framework. Many works have so far been produced that have endevoured to explain the whole gamut of Comparative Local Government and their reforms. To our regret, due to the dearth of complete information, particularly the current changes going on in their reforms in post-colonial societies like ours, such accounts have been widely off the mark. The best of them contain serious gaps and have proved not entirely useful in arriving at the truth. Eme, Okechukwu Innocent and Okoroafor’s account in this book, a long overdue work, provides the most authentic analysis and explanations of the Nigeria’s socio-economic and political environment under which Local Government was established, managed and reformed. It is significantly against this background, that the authors, Eme, O.I. and Okoroafor was able to thematically explore the genesis of Local Government and its concomitant mismanagement and reforms from colonial epoch to contemporary era. Hence, the authors through the chapterisation of the book delved into explaining to the readers how the current crisis in Local Government in Nigeria have come to bear by looking at the political economy of Nigeria during the colonial, independent and post-independent epochs. The authors in their systematic and pragmatic approach was able to show that corruption and mismanagement of Nigeria’s common wealth was part and parcel of colonial legacies bequeathed to the post-independence Nigeria socio-economic and political managers who were never groomed to pilot the affairs of state in line with the general global best practices thereby continued in the way the colonial forces handed them the mantle of leadership. Obviously, the book provides practical guides on the nitty-gritty of day-to-day administrative and management work for young and serving officers in public bureaucracies. Eme and Okoroaror’s book fills this gap adequately. It is for this reason that I recommend the book to students, public officials, researchers and those who are continuously in the audios business of impacting knowledge to future generations. Professor Anthony Onyishi Obayi, Department of Public Administration and Local Government, University of Nigeria, Nsukka.
The current controversy between Northern Governors and their Southern Counterparts, over how oil revenues accruing to the Nigerians should be shared has created a deep gulf in the ranks of the governors. In the last few days, the governors have been polarized under ethnic and regional lines over who gets what from the Federation Account. Political and opinion leaders across the polity have also joined the fray politicians in the nineteen (19) northern states want the fund to be abolished or its percentage significantly reduced because its sustenance not only puts the north at a is advantaged but also poses danger for the part of the country where literacy, poverty, ignorance and general backwardness are on the rise. The oil producing states, on the other hand are determined to fight back to protect their right and push for a progressive increase in the derivation formula up to fight (50) percent to cushion the impacts of years of marginalization and environmental degradation by the oil companies in the region political watchers fear that the oil producing states could revive the age long agitation for total resource cont control or demand a review of the current derivation formula from the current 13 percent to 50 percent. All seem not lost for the North. The region may begin to enjoy a special derivation from solid minerals based on ongoing arrangement by the Revenue Mobilization and Fiscal Allocation Commission (RMFC). Despite the criticisms there are indications, that the north was ready to go the whole hog as the region recently set up the ten (10) Committees to harmonise its interest. The paper concludes by positing that the Northern agitation is rather, a product of deep seated envy and parochial interest.
Abstract The term rule of law and constitutionalism echoed into the subconscious of ordinary Nigerians under the fourteen years of democracy simply because of assaults of the paradigm of law and contempt for the laws, just as the term dictatorship assumed wider popularity when military heads of state held sway, more especially under late General Sani Abacha. What exactly are the rule of law and constitutionalism and what do they guarantee for the society that upholds these concepts were explained in a thematic form by identifying their major features. These concepts were put into text on Monday, 1st July, 2013 by Justice Adamu Bello of an Abuja Federal High Court when his judgement sent shocking waves around the polity when he ruled that the unilateral appointment of service chiefs by the president is unconstitutional and by implication nullified the appointments of those appointed as same. The honourable justice gave the verdict while delivering judgement on a five year old suit instituted by Lagos lawyer, Mr. Festus Keyamo. Keyemo had sued the administration of the late president Umaru Yar’Adua for failing to get the consent of the Senate before appointing the service chiefs. The late president Yar’Adua, had followed the stead of his predecessor, chief Olusegun Obasanjo, by appointing service chiefs, including chief of Army staff, chief of naval staff, chief of Air staff, and Director of the State Security Service without recourse to the National Assembly. This nullification brought with it a lot of reactions. While some applauded the judgement as one of the best springs to lift-up democratic governance and the rule of law in the polity, others have knocked it down, positing that is capable of chaos and undermining the presidency, particularly as it affects security. Others yet viewed it as a double-edged sword empowering democracy and also capable of doing damage to the military establishment. The big questions, however, are: is the judgement actually incongruity? What are its political and security implications? This paper seeks to address these issues. The author goes on to use the major indices of the rule of law and constitutionalism to evaluate their practice in Nigeria using specific instances to add currency to this position. Patron-client politics of elite theory swerves as its theoretical perspective. The article concludes by positing that the rule of law and constitutionalism are ideals in Nigeria which are difficult to attain in their totality.
Global patriarchy has given ascendancy to men in politics, authority and decision-making in and outside the family. Under such a male-centred system without a female face, women lack access to politics and decision-making and are highly under-represented at most levels of government. This paper analyses marginalization of women in decision-making and the challenges encountered by female politicians on their way to political participation in Nigeria. It also, contends that the power relations that have prevented women from political activism operate in many levels of society, from the most personal to the highly public. It argues that the gender uneven electoral politics in Nigeria is as a result of men’ majority in the political party hierarchy, which places them at a vantage position to influence party’s internal politics in terms of selecting or electing candidates for electrons, and political patronage .The paper notes that socio-cultural, economic, political, organizational, legal and political factors have combined to shape the “home-centred’ perception of Nigerian women ,and explains the level of participation of women in political and bureaucratic decisionmaking positions. To reverse the historical under-represented Nigerian women in politics, and decision-making in governance, the paper proposes a triad strategy for women empowerment. First, is a women friendly legal framework in which affirmative action principles are incorporated into the Nigerian Constitution and Electoral Act. Second, is exhibition of positive role modeling for gender image laundering by the few women in top political and administrative positions .Third, is the advancement of women’ agenda and support of party activities as well as funding of women who are actively seeking political offices as a mechanism for addressing the imbalances and injustices against Nigerian women.
The former President, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo’s administration was remarkable for its ability to enthrone peace where there is conflict, especially in Africa, and contributions to peace missions across the globe, thereby winning friends for Nigeria and earning Nigeria respect among the comity of nations. This paper will highlight the necessity for taking preventive measures in the form of peace-building as a sustainable and long-term solution to conflicts in Africa, with special focus on the Mano River Union Countries, and the Great Lakes Region. Apart from the foregoing, this paper will explore efforts at resolving other conflicts in Togo, Guinea Bissau, Rwanda and Congo Democratic that have suffered from a lack of attention on the post-conflict imperatives of building peace in order to ensure that sustainable peace is achieved. Given the often intractable and inter-related nature of conflicts in Africa; the paper argues for the need to revisit the existing mechanisms of conflict resolutions in the continent with a view to canvassing a stronger case for stakeholders towards adopting the Peace-building strategy as a more practical and sustainable way of avoiding wars in the continent. Peace-building is in consonance with its infrastructure and is a more sustainable approach to ensuring regional peace and stability and, therefore ensuring development for the peoples of Africa.
For Eme Edith and millions of other Nigerian women, taking part in elective politics is not easy. Women often do not receive the support and mentoring they need to compete with their male counterparts. In turn, many voters do not fully appreciate the benefits of having a mix of men and women in government. As a result, there is currently a low representation of women at all levels of government in Nigeria. In the country’s general election in 2011, female candidates fared poorly, with only 32 women elected to the national parliament out of 469 members, which is barely 8% representation. To address this, the paper suggests providing budding female politicians with training and support, complemented by community enlightenment campaigns. With this assistance, Nigerian women, will now be better equipped to participate in forthcoming national and local elections in Nigeria come 2015.
The burning issue of Climate Change as it affects the various facet of human life relatively, particularly in the developing African countries such Nigeria, has taken center stage in the political economy discourse in contemporary time. Thus, this paper explores the political economy of climate change in Africa with a focus on Nigeria. Though, it is believed that African countries contribute the leant of any country to global warming yet that are relatively affected than any other continent. The research is anchored on the Marxian political economy paradigm or a explanatory tool for understanding the development of climate change issues and adaptation in Nigeria. It as found that the level of development of countries in terms of technology and other socio-economic various contributed to the management of climate change.